Article 23

		Other Quotes

	˙I have on June 25 given notice of my resignation from the post of Secretary for Security ...... My decision to resign is entirely due to personal reasons. -- Statement by Regina Ip on her resignation, 16/07/03

		The study carried by the Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies at Chinese University from 15 to 17 July found that 66.3 per cent of respondents said Mrs Ip was right to step down. 54.9 per cent said Mrs Ip's resignation had had a positive impact on the government. Using a difference of 5 marks to represent one grade, the popularity of the principal officials has dropped by 1.5 grades after the 'July 1st Demonstration'. The popularity of Regina Ip has gone into a free fall of 18.4 marks, while that of C.H. Tung took a 10.7-mark plunge during the same period. This proves that the two persons are the foci of public anger, dragging down the popularity of the entire leadership. -- Robert Ting-Yiu Chung said after the release of the ratings of the Principal Officials under the accountability system, 15/07/03 If our performance falls significantly short of public expectation and there is widespread call for our resignation ...... I don't think I would wish to hang on -- Regina Ip, responding reporters' question when she was appointed Principal Official, 24/06/02

	˙We cannot rule out the possibility that many citizens will join the march because of widespread promotion and mobilisation these days ... we also cannot rule out the possibility that some citizens may join it as a kind of activity because it's a holiday...That's why we should not think that many people taking to the street will necessarily mean that they are against Article 23. -- Regina Ip, responding to reporters' question on her views over the protest on 1 July, 29/06/2003

	˙I think what they did was disgraceful and highly deplorable......Everything he said about Article 23 (referring to Democrat legislator Cheung Man-kwong's comments that the Democratic Party would take every chance to try to block the bill) is highly deplorable, particularly given the fact that when he took his oath as legislative councillor he swore to uphold the Basic Law, including Article 23. -- Regina Ip, responding to the walkout by 21 democrats when the National Security (Legislative Provisions) Bill was introduced to LegCo on 26 Feb, 27/02/2003

		This is a draconian law. We'll resort to every possible means, and at all cost, to oppose the law......The fact that I have taken an oath to uphold the Basic Law does not mean I have to uphold every mistake that is made. Even the Basic Law can be amended. -- Cheung Man-kwong, responding to Regina Ip's criticisms, 27/02/2003

	It's sensationalism on the part of the media. -- Regina Ip, objecting to the use of the term "secret trial" to refer to procedures for proscribing organizations as set out in article 23 legislation, which would permit the exclusion of defendants from appeal proceedings and the withholding of evidence from such defendants, 14/02/2003

		You claim you're giving me a chance to appeal. But if I don't know on what basis you're proscribing my organization, how am I going to appeal? It's as good as saying I can't appeal. -- Ronnie Tong, former Bar Association chairman, criticizing the proposed appeal procedures for proscribing organizations, 14/02/2003


	I can understand if individual organizations and individual members of the public have doubts [about Article 23 legislation]. That doesn't mean the general public has doubts. -- Regina Ip, downplaying the significance of objections voiced by the Bar Association, 14/02/2003

		About this process of enactment [of Article 23 legislation], I say that it is not democratic, that it is too overbearing. I say it is foolish. -- Bishop Joseph Zen Ze-kiun, 02/17/2003


	Legal and peaceful methods of seeking political change certainly would not be treated as subversion under the Article 23 legislation. -- Regina Ip, rejecting claims that Article 23 legislation might criminalize nonviolent demands for political change, 13/02/2003

		If we had another incident like the 1989 pro-democracy movement in China and a million Hong Kong people took to the streets in support of it, this certainly would disrupt basic services and affect the stability of the state. Those one million people might be breaking the law on subversion. -- Ronnie Tong, former Bar Association chairman, on the proposed Article 23 legislation, 14/02/2003 The students [in the 1989 Beijing demonstrations] occupied Tiananmen Square, which constituted disrupting basic services and affecting the stability of the state; they demanded the resignation of the country's leaders and an end to one-party rule, which constituted intimidating the central government. People from Hong Kong who supported the students could be committing the common law offence of aiding and abetting subversion. Even if Beijing let them go, they could be prosecuted upon their return to Hong Kong. -- Former Bar Association chairman Alan Leong Ka-kit, on what might have happened had the Article 23 legislation been in force at the time of the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations, 14/02/2003


	We appreciate that the public wants to see the details of the legislation as soon as possible, but not necessarily in the form of a white bill. -- Regina Ip, explaining why the government is pushing ahead with the publication of Article 23 proposals in the form of a blue bill, 12/02/2003

		A blue bill is the actual legislation tabled to LegCo for endorsement. Amendments are difficult to make. A white bill contains draft provisions presented for public consultation and can be amended before the actual legislative process begins. -- Information box on the front page of the South China Morning Post, 13/02/2003 The public says it wants to be consulted first in the form of a white bill, and the government responds by speeding up [enactment of] the blue bill. -- Audrey Eu, barrister and legislative councillor, criticizing the government's refusal to further consult the public by publishing a white bill, 12/02/2003 We started with no pre-conceived notions one way or another. We just wanted to see the detailed legislation first [in the form of a white bill]. Now we are really upset. -- Fung Ho-lup, associate professor of social work at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, one of the initiators of a signature campaign demanding a white bill, 12/02/2003


	Any government official, when doing a major consultation … cannot avoid making phone calls. Of course there were telephone conversations. -- Regina Ip downplaying her telephone calls to bankers after David Li Kwok-po, who represents the banking constitutency in the Legislative Council, complained that her calls were improper, 12/02/03

		I think this is putting too much pressure [on people]. It's very wrong. You're forcing people to agree with you. You're not really consulting." -- David Li Kwok-po, legislator and chairman and chief executive of the Bank of East Asia, on Ip's telephone calls to his constituents, questioning them about their ineraction with Li, after he had voiced concerns on their behalf about the government's Article 23 proposals, 12/02/03 Why did you do this? Didn't you realize that this kind of action would have an intimidating effect? -- Emily Lau, a legislator, demanding Regina Ip to offer an explanation regarding David Li's complaint, 12/02/2003 This Regina Ip, she called bankers and asked them if they really said such and such to me. I'm very dissatisfied, very very dissatisfied. Because it was as if she thought I was lying, and I wasn't truly reflecting my industry…. This is not very professional. I'm a professional person. If bankers say something to me, naturally I have to reflect those views. If she then goes and asks them whether they really said something like that to me, doesn't that mean the government, or she personally, thought I was lying? -- David Li Kwok-po, legislator and chairman and chief executive of the Bank of East Asia, disclosing Ip's telephone calls to his constituents, 11/02/03


	The most important thing is to look forward. Chinese leaders place a great deal of importance on the rule of law. In 1999 when they banned the Falun Gong they were fully in compliance with the criminal law, and that was affirmed by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and the Higher People's Courts. It wasn't as if they just did what they liked. Let's not talk about the past again. -- Regina Ip, assuring legislators that the Chinese Communist Party's disregard for the rule of law and due process is a thing of the past, 06/02/2003


	Any mistakes and omissions are unintentional. The government didn't deliberately omit anything or mislabel opposing views as unclear. For the record, we regret these errors, and we apologize to the organizations affected. -- Regina Ip, apologizing for errors in the compendium of submissions, which contained the government's compilation and assessment of public views on the Article 23 proposals, 02/06/03


	I agree I could have said some things better. I was not satisfied with my own performance. -- Regina Ip on her own conduct during public consultation for Article 23 proposals, 31/01/2003


	I am very sorry I gave the impression I did not respect their views. As an official, it would have been better of course if I hadn't used those examples. -- Regina Ip expressing regret that she said members of the public, such as taxi drivers, workers at McDonald's and waiters, would have no interest in Article 23 proposals, 31/01/2003


	Even fashion is herd mentality. I follow the herd everyday. I wear whatever is in fashion. -- Regina Ip defending her use of the term "herd mentality" to describe opponents of Article 23 proposals, 31/01/2003


	Haven't many people said: 'Truth will emerge from debate'? Haven't many supporters of democracy said: 'I don't agree with you but I will defend to the death your right to express your opinion'? I believe everyone will want to defend my right of free speech. I don't see anything wrong with an official dutifully making an effort to explain things to the public and to engage the public in debate. -- Regina Ip, asked about the propriety of her vehement attacks on opponents of Article 23 proposals, said she was exercising her freedom of speech, 29/01/2003


	First, let me reiterate that at the end of the month when we publish the results of the consultation, [all submissions] including those sent to the Security Bureau or channeled to the Security Bureau by other government departments, whether via email, fax, mail or however it is signed, will be included with no deletions in our report. -- Regina Ip assuring legislators that all submissions released by the Security Bureau will be handled properly and fairly, 15/01/2003

		The Bar Association wasn't opposed to Article 23 in principle. But the association's submission should be counted as being "opposed" because it strongly opposed the actual proposals put forward by the government. It was shocking to find that this submission had been categorized as "unclear." -- Alan Leong Kah-kit, immediate past chairman of the Bar Association, who oversaw the drafting of the association's submission, 31/01/2003 The Article 23 Concern Group is dismayed that the Security Bureau's consultation process on legislation is a sham. We say this because of the way views have been categorized. Our comments on the government's proposals were clear and unambiguous. We object to many aspects of the proposals. Yet, our views were taken to be "unclear." -- From press statement of the Article 23 Concern Group, whose membership includes several former chairmen of the Bar association, 29/01/2003 In our submission (A00043), our association clearly stated that … we see no pressing need to enact legislation to prohibit actions that endanger state security. We are extremely disappointed that so clear a submission has been misrepresented and categorized as "unclear" in the compendium of public submissions... -- From letter by the Hong Kong Journalists Association to Regina Ip, 07/02/2003 We... carefully prepared submissions and participated conscientiously in the oral submission process hosted by the Legco Panel on Security and the Panel on Administration of Justice and Legal Services. We are outraged to find that our submissions on Article 23 were not listed with the others released by the HKSAR government on January 29. -- From letter by Amnesty International Hong Kong and eight others to Regina Ip, 30/01/2003 Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa wrapped up [the public consultation on the government's Article 23 proposals] like this: "We know that the majority of the public agree that we have a responsibility to safeguard our national security. They also realize the need to legislate under Article 23 of the Basic Law." However, after studying the compendium of the submissions in detail, we can hardly arrive at the same conclusion." -- Robert Chung Ting-Yiu, director of the Public Opinion Programme, the University of Hong Kong, and Boris Sai-Tsang Choy, college lecturer of the HKU SPACE Community College, in an article titled "Casting Doubt on the Compendium of Submissions," 29/01/2003


	I have always said that I emphasize quality over quantity. I have never said that sometimes I will emphasize quality and sometimes quantity. I never said anything like that. -- Regina Ip on her attitude toward public submissions on the Article 23 proposals, in the Legislative Council, 15/01/2003


	I said that based on the size of the football pitches, you could figure out how long it should take for all the people in the march to get to the government headquarters. I would say it is absolutely impossible for there to have been 60,000 people. -- Regina Ip disputing as an exaggeration a widely quoted estimate of the number of people who participated in the 15 Dec., 2002 anti-Article 23 rally, 15/01/2003


I deny that I have exaggerated or misrepresented anything. We and our consultation document are highly sensible and professional. In the U.K. parliamentary debate, there was a member of parliament, Mr. Cranston Q.C., I had never met him, it was his independent opinion, he praised our consultation document as 'a professional job done'... I hope all the opponents [of Article 23 proposals] from now on will give their views calmly, and refrain from exaggerating, misrepresenting and making personal attacks. This is something everyone should do. Don't you think so, chairperson? People shouldn't just tell the government to be sensible, and then they exaggerate, misrepresent and make personal attacks. Don't you think so? ... People shouldn't think that it's all right if they are striking the blows, but it's not all right if the other party answers back. Don't you think so? -- Regina Ip addressing the Legislative Council, claiming that it was her critics, and not her, who have been playing dirty, 15/01/2003


I have no problems with comment that is meant to criticize or scrutinize. I respond only because there has been exaggeration, misrepresentation, and descriptions that are completely divorced from reality. This is a matter of deceiving the public, and I feel obligated to point that out. -- More from Regina Ip's remarks in the Legislative Council about her critics, 15/01/2003


For example, there was the accusation that our proposals would be used to settle old scores. How could we settle old scores…. There isn't a single provision in the proposed legislation that would have restrospective effect. How could it be used to settle old scores? When there is no restrospective effect, how could there be a settling of old scores? -- Regina Ip in the Legislative Council, citing an example which she asserted was a deliberate misrepresentation of the effect of the proposed legislation, 15/01/2003

	It is true that the proposed Article 23 legislation carries no restrospective effect: The laws, when passed, could not be used in prosecutions of actions taken prior to passage. That doesn't mean, however, that fears about the settling of political scores aren't valid. Why? Because under the existing Crimes Ordinance, prosecution for treason must be brought within three years, and for sedition within six months, after the alleged offence is committed. The Article 23 legislation proposes to do away with this time limit, meaning that once the legislation is passed, words and actions that seem harmless one day might come back to haunt an individual years or even decades later. The removal of time limits makes it possible for the treason and sedition laws to become a potential weapon in a future political vendetta. -- Editor's note. If we go by the example just cited by the Secretary for Security, it was a lady at the Polytechnic University who voiced fears about the law being used to settle old scores. The first time the secretary mention it she described it as a case of misunderstanding. Then she went from misunderstanding to misrepresentation to deception. I'd like to ask the secretary how she arrived at that conclusion. The fact is, the public feels very real fears about the proposed legislation. If our officials take this kind of attitude and draw this kind of conclusion about those fears, won't they aggravate such fears even more? This leads me to think that I must support [legislative councillor] Lee Cheuk-yan when he asked if it was suitable for the secretary to remain in charge of analyzing and reporting [the public's views] and enacting the legislation. -- Legislator Cyd Ho responding to Regina Ip in the Legislative Council, 15/01/2003 When the public voices its fears, the secretary accuses them of misrepresenting the facts. The public is fearful because the government's proposals have a lot of scary aspects, such as how to proscribe organizations in Hong Kong, and to curb freedom of the press. Borrowing the secretary's words, when something is contrary to fact it is deception. So when the Chief Executive keeps on insisting that our freedoms absolutely would not be affected, are his words not completely contrary to fact? -- Legislator Martin Lee responding to Regina Ip in the Legislative Council, 15/01/2003 The Article 23 Concern Group was astonished to hear what Mrs. Regina Ip said at the press conference on 14th Jan. 2003 and in the Legislative Council on 15th Jan. 2003. Her statements to the effect that: (a) those who opposed Article 23 legislation were misled by the media and the legal profession; (b) representatives of the Bar and the Law Society criticized the government as a tactical ploy in order to gain an advantage in negotiation with the government; and (c) the public was deceived by those who criticized the government proposals, are as insensitive as they are irresponsible. -- From Statement by the Article 23 Concern Group, which comprises several former Bar Association chairman and legal professionals, 15/02/2003


I don't agree with him. Nor do I feel that I've been over the top. My words are nothing compared to [anti-Article 23 expressions such as] 'unacceptable to heaven and earth', 'mummy resurrected', 'frog in slow-boiling water'…. The criticism by the Law Society and Bar Association was just a negotiating tactic. Whatever we did they still said it wasn't enough. They just wanted to keep pressing the government for more concessions. -- Regina Ip attacking Law Society president Ip Shing-hing and other Article 23 critics at a press conference, 14/01/2003


The Hong Kong government's Article 23 proposals satisfy the requirements of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and will not affect Hong Kong residents' existing civil liberties and lifestyle. -- Regina Ip, responding to a U.S. State Department statement, which notes "serious concerns" in Hong Kong and internationally about Article 23 proposals, 22/11/02

	"How could anyone say our freedoms won't be affected, when teachers have to worry about having a reasonable excuse just to speak their minds in the classroom? -- Cheung Man-kwong, legislative councillor and president of the Hong Kong Porfessional Teachers' Union, calling on the union's 80,000 members to oppose Article 23 proposals, 22/11/02 Even if there are artists who are brave enough to test the limits of the law, they will have trouble finding owners of theatres and galleries who will be brave enough to let them use the venues. -- Pun Siu-fai, member of the Hong Kong Arts Development Council, talking about the chilling effect of Article 23 laws, 22/11/02 "...all libraries, but particularly academic libraries, should be exempted from regulations that require them to exclude from their collections, books and other material with points of view that differ from the government. Even regulations that would require librarians to resort to a defense on the basis of "reasonable excuse" will have a chilling effect...." -- Anthony Ferguson, librarian of the University of Hong Kong, voicing concern about impact of Article 23 laws on libraries, in written submission to a Legislative Council panel, 21/11/02 "Even the Bible would be a seditious publication" under the Article 23 laws. -- Rev. Wu Chi Wai, head of the Hong Kong Church Renewal Movement, 23/11/02


"I agree that it would have been better if I hadn't mentioned Hitler. Hitler is a highly emotional and controversial subject. And of course, lawyers and historians can always say I've got some details wrong. But my underlying argument is as valid as ever: Democracy is no panacea. The performance of democracies vary from country to country." -- Regina Ip, on her earlier statement blaming Hitler's rise on democracy, 21/11/02

	"Hitler came to power by democratic election, and he killed seven million Jews. One-person, one-vote is no panacea." -- Regina Ip, defending the lack of democracy in China, 28/10/02


"You have to appreciate that society has its dark side. There are bad people in this world. We must have laws to use against bad people." -- Regina Ip, responding to concerns that the Article 23 proposals are too harsh, 19/11/02

	"After two months of discussions... it is becoming apparent that the real targets [of the Article 23 laws] will be ... the owners of newspapers, publishers, editors, editorial writers, reporters, columnists.... The main purpose of the Article 23 proposals are to suppress the freedom of speech in the media... [and] to force the media to censor themselves." -- Ah Cheung, a reader of Apple Daily, in letter to the editor, 23/11/02


"What do you mean we shouldn't [have the legal right to] arrest anyone who holds a foreign passport? If that's the case, then gangsters from South America would run amok at our annual jewelry exhibition. Spies can ride a boat to Macau or Shenzhen and leak state secrets? How could we allow that? If you can commit a crime and get off scott free just by flying to the U.S., that would be a pretty big loophole, wouldn't it?" -- Regina Ip, justifying proposed powers of extra-territoriality for Hong Kong to prosecute "political crimes" committed abroad, and apparently confusing that issue with immunity for foreign passport holders, 19/11/02


Mrs. Ip wasn't jeered non-stop by the students when she appeared at the Article 23 forum of the Polytechnic University. In fact, she also received some applause. -- A spokesman for Regina Ip, 15/11/02

	"Up till now in the consultation, most people are in favor...." -- Regina Ip, denying that the Article 23 proposals are widely opposed, 28/10/02


"What's wrong with a children's choir having something to say [about the Article 23 proposals]? .... Is chicken breeding a disreputable occupation? Are you saying we should listen only to those who are fluent in English and possess professional qualifications? -- Regina Ip, answering criticism that she gladly accepts formulaic expressions of support from pro-Beijing groups, but ignores critics who offer considered opinions, 14/11/02

	"We look for quality, not quantity." -- Regina Ip, dismissing petitions from members of the public who oppose the Article 23 proposals because, she said, their views are shallow, 31/10/02 "Are you seriously telling me that taxi drivers, restaurant waiters and workers at McDonald's will want to discuss these proposals with me? A draft bill is for the experts." -- Regina Ip, dismissing pleas for the government to give the public more time and more help to digest Article 23 proposals, suggesting that this would be a waste of time, 26/9/02


"I wish those worried people could tell me how they feel they might be affected. I myself don't see any possible impact." -- Regina Ip responding to Heritage Foundation president Edwin J. Feulner, saying his concerns about Article 23 proposals lacked specifics, 12/11/02

	"One of our potential concerns is that if the implementing details include restrictions on the free flow of economic information, then that in fact could adversely impact on Hong Kong's economic future." -- Feulner, worrying that Article 23 laws could erode Hong Kong's economic strengths, 12/11/02 "There are concerns.... We don't want to see any erosion in the legal system or any of the institutions that have made Hong Kong a regional financial centre. That includes the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, the free flow of information and all of the fundamental freedoms that are guaranteed under the Basic Law that governs Hong Kong." -- AmCham president in Hong Kong, Frank Martin, voicing concerns about Article 23 proposals in Forbes magazine, issue dated 25/11/02 "The conclusion is hard to escape: If you intend to live and work under capricious Chinese laws, who needs Hong Kong? You might as well go to Beijing or Shanghai, which are far cheaper." -- Same Forbes magazine article, drawing the conclusion that Article 23 proposals would undermine Hong Kong's legal system.


"My colleagues and I... firmly believe that the laws we are drawing up will protect national security without compromising your civil liberties... . If you look back in a few years, you... will see that I haven't lied to you." -- Regina Ip at an Article 23 forum at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 11/11/02

	"We are troubled by Article 23 because we are scared. Scared that we shall have to live like [you], not saying what is truly in our hearts, not being free to speak our minds. [You] may say you have a right to choose, and you choose to live this way. Frankly, I believe most of us in Hong Kong don't share your peculiar preference... How many of us would you like to see marching in the streets, how many signatures [must we collect]...how fine must our arguments be [before you will listen]? Perhaps taxi drivers and McDonald's workers can do no better [to express their views] than put check marks on a form letter. Because of that, you said you won't respect their views. Tell us, are all of us here too naïve? Is it the reality, perhaps, that nothing we do could sway you, because you came with your minds made up?" -- A student addressing Regina Ip at the CUHK forum, 11/11/02


"If we look at Western history, we can see that some political leaders, such as President Kennedy, he urged everyone to live up to their responsibilities (to their country). Also, President Lincoln was against splitting the country in the runup to the U.S. Civil War. Many people in Hong Kong seem to have overlooked this." -- Regina Ip citing former U.S. presidents to justify the restriction of civil liberties in the name of protecting state security, 9/11/02

	John F. Kennedy called for self-sacrifice in a famous speech: "...my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." He made clear in the same speech that the goal of such sacrifice is freedom: "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty." -- From the inaugural address of President Kennedy, 1961. At the time of the 1861-65 U.S. Civil War, the Union (North) wanted to end the practice of slavery, and the Confederacy, (South) wanted to preserve the practice and to secede. Abraham Lincoln, leading the North, defined the war as a mission to preserve a system of government dedicated to freedom for all. "It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us... that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that the government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." -- From the Gettysburg Address, 1863.


"The mainland has assured us that no one gets prosecuted in China for political crimes." -- Regina Ip, reassuring legislative councillors that political repression doesn't exist in China, after acknowledging that Article 23 laws could open the door to the extradition from Hong Kong of people wanted by mainland authorities, 7/11/02

	"Serious human rights violations increased in 2001. Thousands of people remained arbitrarily detained or imprisoned across the country for peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association or belief.... Torture and ill-treatment remained widespread.... In the autonomous regions of Xinjiang and Tibet, freedom of speech and religion continued to be severely restricted. Repression of Muslim ethnic groups suspected of nationalist activities increased." -- From the Amnesty International 2002 Report on China, covering events from January to December 2001. Other excerpts from the report: - Cao Maobing, a labour activist at a silk factory in Funing: Released in July after seven months' detention in Yancheng No. 4 Psychiatric Hospital. He alleged he was forcibly given drugs and electric shocks. He had been held at the hospital after he led a strike and talked to foreign journalists. - Three labour activists reportedly sentenced in July to prison terms in Gansu for ''subverting state power,'' after they published a journal that campaigned for workers' rights: Yue Tianxiang received 10 years' imprisonment; Guo Xinmin and Wang Fengshan each received two years. - Zhang Min, from Yilan county, Heilongjiang: Reportedly arrested on 5 Dec. for distributing Falun Gong leaflets…. She died six days later, after police reportedly tortured her. Officials reportedly told her family that she had died of a heart attack, although she had no previous history of heart disease. - Veteran labour activist Li Wangyang: Sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment on 20 Sept. for ''incitement to subvert state power''. He was arrested in May after demanding compensation for ill-treatment in prison.... - Liu Weifang, an essayist who posted his writings on the Internet: Sentenced in June to three years in prison on subversion charges by a Xinjiang court. - Zhang Shanguang, a former teacher and labour activist serving a 10-year sentence at a prison factory in Hunan province: Reportedly beaten by guards and put in solitary confinement after he circulated a petition in March demanding an end to torture and long working hours.... - Yang Zili, a computer engineer: Arrested in March for designing a website that contained essays promoting democracy and political reforms.... Tried on charges of ''subverting state power''.... No verdict given by the end of the year. - Jur'at Nuri and Abduhalik Abdureshit, both Uighurs: Executed on 9 Jan. in Gulja (Yining) .... Convicted in July 1999 of ''separatism'' and illegal possession and carrying of arms, ammunition and explosives ... based primarily on confessions extracted under torture. - Migmar, a Tibetan woman: Arrested by Public Security Bureau officials while watching a video of the Dalai Lama at her home; reportedly sentenced to six years' imprisonment in May. [In 2001], Chinese media outlets experienced one of the most severe crackdowns in recent years. Publications were closed, outspoken reporters were arrested, and hundreds of journalists were sent to Beijing for so-called political training sessions. CPJ documented eight arrests in 2001, and only one release (that of journalist Guo Xinmin). New research revealed the cases of six more journalists jailed in previous years, bringing the total number of journalists imprisoned at year's end to 35. China's record as the world's leading jailer of journalists helped ensure that, for the fifth straight year, Jiang [Zemin] appeared on CPJ's list of the Ten Worst Enemies of the Press. – From the Committee to Protect Journalists, Report on Attacks on the Press, 2001


"...with all kinds of negative reports in the media, the ups and downs [in public support] aren't surprising." -- Regina Ip commenting on opinion polls showing growing public opposition to Article 23 proposals, 2/11/02

	Ip makes the flawed assumption that people blindly believe the media; and that all criticism [of the Article 23 proposals] is groundless. - Baptist University assistant professor of journalism To Yiu-ming, interview with Ming Pao, 3/11/02 "Up till now in the consultation, most people are in favor...." -- Regina Ip, denying that the Article 23 proposals are widely opposed, 28/10/02


"Their arguments lack substance...." "It's an emotional outburst not worthy of consideration...." "We seek quality, not quantity...." "...opinionated and negative." -- Comments by Regina Ip about various expressions of opposition to the Article 23 proposals, various dates.

	"A government making a sincere effort to consult the public cannot, in a selective fashion, ignore the voices of opposition." - editorial of Kung Kao Po, newspaper of the Hong Kong Catholic Church, on the Article 23 proposals, 3/11/02 Individuals and organizations that have voiced serious concerns about the Article 23 proposals include: Bishop Joseph Zen Ze-kiun, head of the Catholic Church in Hong Kong; Bar Association chairman Alan Leong Kah-kit and four of his predecessors, Denis K.L. Chang, Audrey Eu, Gladys Li and Ronny Tong Ka-wah; Johannes M.M. Chan, dean of the University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law; Society of Publishers in Asia; Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union; Hong Kong Journalists Association; Hong Kong Press Photographers Association; Hong Kong Federation of Students....


"Of course it is free for us, as authors of the [government's consultation paper] to quote whatever we think is helpful to our argument." -- Regina Ip answering criticism that the Article 23 proposals have misled the public by selectively citing overseas examples, 30/10/02


"These are entirely my personal views." -- Regina Ip, responding to criticism of her remark that democracy led to the Holocaust under Hitler, 30/10/02


"Up till now in the consultation, most people are in favor..." -- Regina Ip, denying that the Article 23 proposals are widely opposed, 28/10/02


"The Chinese Communist Party came to power by "the will of heaven and the demands of the masses. It was a triumph of the righteous over the wicked..." -- Regina Ip on why it is right for Hong Kong to pass laws that help keep the Chinese Communist Party in power, 28/10/02

	Ip's remarks ... "exposed her ignorance... The Chinese people didn't ask for communism to be imposed... Many lost their loved ones, their limbs and their lives in this unprecedented political experiment and unprecedented political struggle. Those who died of famine alone possibly exceeded 10 million. - Apple Daily editorial, 29/10/02 "The following official assessment was made [after the 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution]: 'On the whole, more than 100 million people were victimized as a result of being falsely accused, unjustly persecuted and wrongly implicated.'" -- Fifty Years of Communist China, edited by Jin Zhong, Kai Fang Publishing Co., 1999. "The true number [of deaths in the Cultural Revolution] will never be known... All I can say is, a lot of people died." -- Deng Xiaoping, interview with Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci, 1980. The death toll in China's Great Leap Forward "dwarfed that of the Soviet collectivization of 1929-33 by more than three to one. One scholar suggested that 'the 1958-61 famine must rank as the largest in human history.'" -- Calamity and Reform in China, by Dali Y. Yang, Stanford University Press, 1996, citing Great Leap death toll estimates that ranged from 16.5 million to 30 million.


"Hitler came to power by democratic election, and he killed seven million Jews. One-person, one-vote is no panacea." -- Regina Ip, defending the lack of democracy in China, 28/10/02

	"I write concerning the offensive remarks associating Adolf Hitler with democracy made by Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee.... Hitler was not returned by universal suffrage. He came to power on the wings of political and social chaos (largely brought about by the Nazis themselves) and by a shoddy, under-the-table political deal... He destroyed democracy, along with all other civil freedoms...." -- John Wright, a reader of the South China Morning Post, in letter to the editor, 4/11/02 "...Partly by fomenting political violence, Hitler ended up becoming the chancellor of a coalition cabinet.... 'For some reason people love to imagine Hitler was voted into power, but it was far more complicated than that,' said Mitchell B. Hart, the Padnos visiting professor of Jewish history at the University of Michigan." - New York Times article on Ip's Hitler remark, 2/11/02 "What Ip said indicates that there is much ignorance at the most senior ranks of government about world history. It also shows that there is a visceral negativity about democracy." - NGO leader and former legislative councillor Christine Loh, in her newsletter, on the Hitler remark, 29/10/02


"If the magistrate has gone off to Shenzhen, or if he is on an outlying island eating seafood, it would take us longer [to get a search warrant]." -- Regina Ip telling legislative councillors why powers of search and seizure without a court warrant are being sought for the police, 21/10/02


"My version is authoritative." -- Regina Ip, responding to legislative councillors who observed inconsistencies between her explanations and the government consultation document on Article 23, 21/10/02


"You're confusing a great historical event with criminal subversion." -- Regina Ip explaining that, by her definition, the Chinese Communist Party committed no crime when it tried to seize power by engineering social unrest, assassinations and other forms of political violence, 15/10/02


"What you can do today, you certainly can do in the future." -- Regina Ip, assuring an audience that the Article 23 proposals wouldn't undermine existing civil liberties, 15/10/02

	"Even Zhao Ziyang (former Chinese Communist Party secretary, who has been under house arrest for 13 years for sympathizing with China's 1989 pro-democracy protests) can't guarantee anything for himself. Who are you to vouch for my safety?" -- Current affairs commentator Wong Yuk-man, in a public debate with Ip, 28/10/02


"Your personal feelings of insecurity have nothing to do with the serious subject of protecting the security of our country. I see no need to respond." -- Regina Ip, to a member of the Falun Gong who expressed fears of being persecuted under Article 23 laws, 15/10/02


"Are you seriously telling me that taxi drivers, restaurant waiters and workers at McDonald's will want to discuss these proposals with me? A draft bill is for the experts" -- Regina Ip, dismissing pleas for the government to give the public more time and more help to digest Article 23 proposals, suggesting that this would be a waste of time, 26/9/02