When
Martin Lee and his fellow Hong Kong democracy activists accepted an invitation
to testify at last Thursday's United States Senate hearing on Hong Kong, I knew
controversy would follow. But I could never have predicted that tensions over
this visit would run so high.
Criticism
from the government in Beijing and its officials in Hong Kong has ranged from
polite opposition to calling Mr. Lee and his colleagues "clowns" who
seek "foreign interference" in Hong Kong's affairs. Even now, the
reasons for such an extreme reaction remain unclear. What is clear, however, is
that Hong Kong is ready for full democracy.
Committees
in the U.S. Senate frequently convene hearings to discuss U.S. policy matters.
Hong Kong is an important trading partner, an important ally in the war on
terrorism and a shining example to the rest of Asia of the value of free
markets. After traveling to Hong Kong in January, I wanted the Subcommittee on
East Asian and Pacific Affairs, of which I am the chairman, to examine U.S.
policy toward Hong Kong for these reasons.
The
critics in Beijing and Hong Kong who protest about interference in China's
internal affairs ignore a fundamental point: The U.S. government has an
historical and vested interest in the development of democracy in Hong Kong. As
the U.S. Congress noted in the Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992, the U.S.
recognizes that Hong Kong is a part of China, but it provides for the treatment
of Hong Kong as a distinct entity.
The act
also declares that the development of democracy is an essential part of U.S.
foreign policy, including policy toward Hong Kong. The U.S. is committed to aid
the development of democracy throughout Asia, and Hong Kong is no exception. In
other words, events in Hong Kong are not merely China's internal affairs, they
directly affect the U.S. relationship with Hong Kong. Senate hearings on such
matters are essential.
In
addition to Martin Lee and his colleagues, I invited Mr. James Tien of Hong
Kong's Liberal Party, and Mr. Ma Lik of the Democratic Alliance for Betterment
of Hong Kong to testify, and I am disappointed that they were unable to attend
and provide their views. Nevertheless, the witnesses in attendance lead me to
important conclusions about democracy in Hong Kong.
First,
the "one country, two systems" label should not emphasize the former
and sacrifice the latter. While the U.S. recognizes that China has sovereignty
over Hong Kong, we also expect the city's government to develop vibrant and
fully representative public institutions.
Second,
Hong Kong is clearly ready to select its own leaders. Only 24 of the 60 seats
in the Legislative Council are filled by popularly elected officials, and
Beijing controls the selection of the chief executive. Hong Kong's Basic Law
raises the possibility of free and open elections for the Chief Executive by
2007 and all seats in the Legislative Council by 2008. Beijing should recognize
the wishes of the people and adhere to that schedule.
During
rallies last July and this past January, hundreds of thousands of people
marched through Hong Kong's streets demanding basic freedoms and universal
suffrage. However, recent statements and trends indicate that Beijing has
little intention of permitting democratic reforms any time soon. If Beijing
continues to frustrate the will of the people of Hong Kong on this issue, we
must begin to question whether or not the Basic Law is a suitable foundation
for Hong Kong's government.
Finally,
I believe what we heard at the hearing demonstrates the need for the U.S. to
continue to speak out in favor of democracy in Hong Kong. All of our witnesses
intoned their frustration at Beijing's lack of concern for the aspirations of
Hong Kong citizens. That frustration, combined with the U.S. interest in
democracy, requires that special attention be paid to policy toward Hong Kong.
Economic freedom in Hong Kong is wonderful, but it must be matched by further
political liberalization.
The
bottom line is universal suffrage and free elections for the people of Hong
Kong. When Martin Lee presents that challenge to Beijing, the government
responds by declaring he and his colleagues "dreamers." And in this
case they are right. As Lee said during our hearing, his dream is for Hong Kong
to elect all of its officials freely. I support that dream wholeheartedly, and
I hope Beijing will see that it is a dream worth realizing.
Sen.
Brownback is chairman of the Asia-Pacific Subcommittee of the U.S. Senate.
(Published
on 8 March 2004 Asian Wall Street Journal))