Emily
Lau: Letter to Hong Kong
30
November 2003
Since the
historic march on July 1st which attracted an overwhelming turnout of more than
half a million people, Hong Kong has once again astounded the world by voting
in record numbers in the recent district council election. With little
forewarning, more than a million voters flocked to the polling stations to cast
their ballots on 23 November.
In the
run-up to the election which returns councillors with no powers but act as
advisers to the government on district as well as territory wide affairs,
university academics and political commentators have predicted a low voter
turnout, similar to the 35 per cent in 1999.
I was
also pessimistic because many people were not aware of the low level election
and some have said they would not bother to vote. Many commentators said the
historic march on July 1st to protest against legislation on Article 23 of the
Basic Law and to demand a quicker pace of democracy was unlikely to have much
impact on this election because the voters were more concerned with the constituency
work of the candidates rather than their political orientation and affiliation.
In the
end, all the speculations were proven wrong. The fact of the matter is, in
these politically turbulent times, the mood of the people is hard to gauge, and
the 44 per cent voter turnout rate was a most pleasant surprise.
What is
becoming increasingly obvious in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is
that the people are hugely dissatisfied with the ineffectual and ineffective
administration of the Chief Executive, Mr. C. H. Tung. Under such a negative
environment, the staunchly pro-government party -- the Democratic Alliance for
the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) led by Mr. Jasper Tsang Yok-sing -- has
become the biggest loser at the ballot box. The DAB fielded over 200 candidates
and won only around 60 seats. Mr. Tsang has offered to step down as chairman of
the party in order to take responsibility for the poor results.
Of all
the pro-democracy parties which took part in the election, the Democratic Party
led by Mr. Yeung Sum fielded the largest number of candidates (120) and won
close to 100 seats. A week before the election, the pro-democracy parties and
independent candidates staged a rally outside the Cultural Centre in
Tsimshatsui. With the beautiful Victoria Harbour as the backdrop, that was the
pro-democracy movement's "Harbour Fest." The rally was attended by
2,000 candidates and their supporters and was the first time pro-democracy
parties and independent candidates got together to fight an election.
The rally
was the climax of a strategy of collaboration in order to ensure maximum
success in the election. A total of 258 candidates signed up to a common
platform, pledging to support democratic election for the Chief Executive in
2007 and democratic election for all members of the Legislative Council in 2008
-- since these are the earliest dates possible for democracy without amending
the Basic Law – Hong Kong's mini constitution.
Of the
258 pro-democracy candidates, 172 won. This is a good result and the product of
compromise and collaboration. There is no doubt that some of the successful
candidates were swept into office by the so-called July 1st effect.
However I think all candidates who want to stand for election should and must
work hard in the constituencies to gain the voters' support. I do not endorse
political opportunism and neither do the voters.
Although
many pro-democracy district councillors have been elected, they will remain a
minority in many of the 18 district councils. This is because there are
altogether 400 elected councillors.
To make
matters worse, the District Council Ordinance enables the Chief Executive to
appoint up to a maximum of 102 additional members to the 18 district councils.
The purpose of this offensive power is to allow the Chief Executive to
counter-balance the influence of the elected district councillors.
The
appointment system was created by the British colonial government but was
abolished by the last colonial governor Chris Patten. However Mr. Tung
resurrected it in 1997 after the change of sovereignty. Pro-democracy
legislators have fought against it but were outvoted by the pro-government
supporters in the Legislative Council.
Last week
an alliance was formed to oppose the appointment system. We will mount a signature
campaign and will stage a rally outside the Central Government Offices on the
7th December. We hope to impress upon Mr. Tung the people's desire to get rid
of the repugnant system, and to urge him to amend the law so that he will no
longer be able to appoint district councillors.
Later
this week Mr. Tung will fly to Beijing to report to the central government.
There is speculation that the electoral victory of so many pro-democracy
candidates has alarmed Beijing and may make it even more resistant to the
demands for democracy.
Given the
tense atmosphere between the mainland and Taiwan over the recently passed law
on referendum in Taiwan, I hope Beijing will not try to provoke a political
crisis in Hong Kong. Mr. Tung should sense the people's mood for change and
reflect it accurately and honestly to the central government.
Since
Beijing has sent so many emissaries to Hong Kong to monitor the recent
election, it should understand the Hong Kong people are not subversives
plotting to overthrow the Communist Party. Even if Hong Kong were to have
democracy, it is unlikely that the people will elect a government which is
hell-bent on confronting Beijing.
The
historic march on July 1st and the record voter turnout in the district council
election is ample evidence to show the Hong Kong people are politically
responsible and mature, and are ready and eager to embrace democracy. I hope
the central government and the business tycoons will not stand in our way.