Emily Lau: Letter to Hong Kong

30 November 2003

 

Since the historic march on July 1st which attracted an overwhelming turnout of more than half a million people, Hong Kong has once again astounded the world by voting in record numbers in the recent district council election. With little forewarning, more than a million voters flocked to the polling stations to cast their ballots on 23 November.

 

In the run-up to the election which returns councillors with no powers but act as advisers to the government on district as well as territory wide affairs, university academics and political commentators have predicted a low voter turnout, similar to the 35 per cent in 1999.

 

I was also pessimistic because many people were not aware of the low level election and some have said they would not bother to vote. Many commentators said the historic march on July 1st to protest against legislation on Article 23 of the Basic Law and to demand a quicker pace of democracy was unlikely to have much impact on this election because the voters were more concerned with the constituency work of the candidates rather than their political orientation and affiliation.

 

In the end, all the speculations were proven wrong. The fact of the matter is, in these politically turbulent times, the mood of the people is hard to gauge, and the 44 per cent voter turnout rate was a most pleasant surprise.

 

What is becoming increasingly obvious in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is that the people are hugely dissatisfied with the ineffectual and ineffective administration of the Chief Executive, Mr. C. H. Tung. Under such a negative environment, the staunchly pro-government party -- the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) led by Mr. Jasper Tsang Yok-sing -- has become the biggest loser at the ballot box. The DAB fielded over 200 candidates and won only around 60 seats. Mr. Tsang has offered to step down as chairman of the party in order to take responsibility for the poor results.

 

Of all the pro-democracy parties which took part in the election, the Democratic Party led by Mr. Yeung Sum fielded the largest number of candidates (120) and won close to 100 seats. A week before the election, the pro-democracy parties and independent candidates staged a rally outside the Cultural Centre in Tsimshatsui. With the beautiful Victoria Harbour as the backdrop, that was the pro-democracy movement's "Harbour Fest." The rally was attended by 2,000 candidates and their supporters and was the first time pro-democracy parties and independent candidates got together to fight an election.

 

The rally was the climax of a strategy of collaboration in order to ensure maximum success in the election. A total of 258 candidates signed up to a common platform, pledging to support democratic election for the Chief Executive in 2007 and democratic election for all members of the Legislative Council in 2008 -- since these are the earliest dates possible for democracy without amending the Basic Law – Hong Kong's mini constitution.

 

Of the 258 pro-democracy candidates, 172 won. This is a good result and the product of compromise and collaboration. There is no doubt that some of the successful candidates were swept into office by the so-called July 1st effect. However I think all candidates who want to stand for election should and must work hard in the constituencies to gain the voters' support. I do not endorse political opportunism and neither do the voters.

 

Although many pro-democracy district councillors have been elected, they will remain a minority in many of the 18 district councils. This is because there are altogether 400 elected councillors.

 

To make matters worse, the District Council Ordinance enables the Chief Executive to appoint up to a maximum of 102 additional members to the 18 district councils. The purpose of this offensive power is to allow the Chief Executive to counter-balance the influence of the elected district councillors.

 

The appointment system was created by the British colonial government but was abolished by the last colonial governor Chris Patten. However Mr. Tung resurrected it in 1997 after the change of sovereignty. Pro-democracy legislators have fought against it but were outvoted by the pro-government supporters in the Legislative Council.

 

Last week an alliance was formed to oppose the appointment system. We will mount a signature campaign and will stage a rally outside the Central Government Offices on the 7th December. We hope to impress upon Mr. Tung the people's desire to get rid of the repugnant system, and to urge him to amend the law so that he will no longer be able to appoint district councillors.

 

Later this week Mr. Tung will fly to Beijing to report to the central government. There is speculation that the electoral victory of so many pro-democracy candidates has alarmed Beijing and may make it even more resistant to the demands for democracy.

 

Given the tense atmosphere between the mainland and Taiwan over the recently passed law on referendum in Taiwan, I hope Beijing will not try to provoke a political crisis in Hong Kong. Mr. Tung should sense the people's mood for change and reflect it accurately and honestly to the central government.

 

Since Beijing has sent so many emissaries to Hong Kong to monitor the recent election, it should understand the Hong Kong people are not subversives plotting to overthrow the Communist Party. Even if Hong Kong were to have democracy, it is unlikely that the people will elect a government which is hell-bent on confronting Beijing.

 

The historic march on July 1st and the record voter turnout in the district council election is ample evidence to show the Hong Kong people are politically responsible and mature, and are ready and eager to embrace democracy. I hope the central government and the business tycoons will not stand in our way.